Mr MARTIN FERGUSON  (Batman) (6.38 p.m.) —Obviously things have moved more quickly than we thought with the Health Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 3) 2000. I rise to speak in relation to the Aviation Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 2) 2000, a bill which has not moved as quickly as we originally thought it would. The bill contains a number of disparate amendments to the Civil Aviation Act 1988 and the Civil Aviation (Carriers' Liability) Act 1959. I am sure you have a complete understanding of all the details of these bills, Mr Deputy Speaker.

The bill has been around for almost 12 months. After being initially portrayed as a non-contentious or non-controversial bill, it became obvious that the bill had serious flaws and required further consideration by the government. From the point of view of the Labor opposition, I am pleased to see that some changes have been made through government amendments which will be dealt with later and which overcome some of our original concerns with the bill. These government amendments attempt to address the problems with the bill that the opposition identified and communicated to the office of the Minister for Transport and Regional Services after it was first introduced.

Although the amendments go a long way to addressing the problems that we previously raised, they are insufficient to allay our concerns about the bill. It is our contention that the bill should not be proceeded with until the minister satisfies a number of conditions. They are set out in an amendment to the motion for the second reading that I will move at the conclusion of my contribution this evening. I also point out that, given the composition of the House of Representatives, there is an expectation that the government will proceed with the bill. For that reason, I am pleased to note that the Senate has referred the bill to the relevant Senate legislation committee to provide the scrutiny which I believe is needed with respect to potential flaws or weaknesses in the final implementation of the bill.

For those reasons, the opposition will be endeavouring to ensure that the Senate processes give this bill a rigorous analysis to clearly extract its implications and intent. I also believe that it is not only the responsibility of senators to give the bill full and proper consideration with respect to its potential weaknesses but that, in the lead-up to the Senate consideration of those matters, those who will have to operate under the terms and conditions of the bill should draw any concerns they have with respect to the potential application of the bill to senators who serve on the Senate legislation committee so as to ensure that the Senate guarantees that, in considering the implications of the bill, it fully takes into consideration potential difficulties that those in the industry who will have to operate under the bill are aware of.

There are parts of the bill, to be fair, that are not contentious to the opposition. But, as it stands, we can only argue that it not be proceeded with and urge the government to bring it back to the House with our concerns remedied. If this does not occur—and the opportunity is there for the minister to take on board such a suggestion—we will have to rely on the Senate, and especially the Senate legislation committee, with further debate in the chamber, to deal with the other issues that I will raise during my contribution this evening.

As to the bill, there are two schedules. Schedule 1 deals with a range of amendments to the Civil Aviation Act 1988. Schedule 2 amends the Civil Aviation (Carriers' Liability) Act 1959. There are three categories of change put forward by schedule 1. The first introduces new terminology consistent with that used by the International Civil Aviation Organisation and national airworthiness authorities. It also harmonises some offences with current criminal drafting policy. The second category of change to the Civil Aviation Act empowers CASA to enter into article 83 disagreements with other national airworthiness authorities, which is exceptionally important. The third set of changes in schedule 1 gives CASA the power to accept voluntary enforceable undertakings as another regulatory and compliance tool. That is not without its challenges.

The need for new terminology in the Civil Aviation Act arises from a policy to follow ICAO recommendations regarding global harmonisation of national rules. In practice, this means modifying terminology and rules that are specific to Australia. I clearly say that the opposition has no beef with this direction—provided, of course, the case has been fully and properly made that there are no peculiar circumstances that justify something different for Australia. I think we all understand more than ever that the aviation industry is a global industry and always has been but, more than ever, we are moving towards a smaller number of major international operators and also a requirement that we actually have regard to what is happening internationally in the aviation industry on a range of fronts. We must therefore be cognisant of that to facilitate the growth and development of that industry. We must also seek to protect our national interests whilst having regard to the interests of the industry internationally.

Therefore, the opposition believes it makes sense, wherever the case is made and wherever the national interest is protected, to harmonise the provisions and regulations. This bill achieves some international harmonisation by introducing new, consistent definitions for the aviation terms `aeronautical product', `maintenance' and `servicing', for example. I note in passing that the new definitions proposed for this bill are not consistent with those that were recommended by the Civil Aviation Safety Authority in their summary of responses. This summary was prepared by CASA after consultation with the aviation industry. For example, the definition of maintenance was recommended to specifically exclude `servicing'. That was accepted by the CASA review team but not reflected in the legislation. I think it is only appropriate that the minister should provide some clarification on this point. It could have changed for technical, drafting reasons. Not only the opposition but also the aviation industry are entitled to be assured of the reasons for the change and that all is above board and with proper justification.

Turning to the first part of the bill, I indicate that it harmonises some offences with the current Commonwealth criminal drafting policy. It should be pointed out that the bill amends some offences, but not others. The other offence provisions of the act must be harmonised before chapter 2 of the Criminal Code commences on 15 December this year. There is no explanation as to why all offences were not harmonised. While this, to be fair, is not absolutely necessary, it would be preferable for completeness and clarity. Perhaps the minister would like to comment on this at the conclusion of the debate.

Further, on definitions, the bill also introduces to the act the concept of `aircraft maintenance control' as opposed to `aircraft maintenance' as such. This change is obviously intended to broaden the regulatory scope to enable CASA to regulate aircraft maintenance where the actual aircraft maintenance is not performed in Australia. The bill also empowers CASA to enter article 83bis agreements on behalf of Australia. I note the advice that this new power for CASA is consistent with ICAO's opinion that such agreements should be made between aeronautical authorities of the relevant countries because they are instruments that are not of treaty status.

Whilst this may be the case, the importance of these agreements—and the industry knows how important such agreements are—should not be downplayed. I therefore have some concerns that there are no criteria or restrictions on CASA's discretion to enter these arrangements with other countries. The only apparent, and very loose, control and the only broad protection on this power is that these agreements can only be entered into by parties to the Chicago convention. Those countries are, in turn, therefore subject to international standards.

I note from the minister's second reading speech that the Civil Aviation Safety Authority and his department will be developing regulations to cover the administrative and technical operation of this provision, in consultation with the industry. I simply say to the minister this evening that it would have assisted the opposition, in our consideration of this bill, had he indicated what types of provisions he foreshadows in those regulations—for completeness and full and proper consideration of the intent of the bill.

I appreciate the difficulties that arise from the current situation—that is, where a country has responsibility for the regulation on its register in one country when that aircraft is operating in another. The power to enter these article 83bis agreements and thereby swap and share this responsibility provides a logical situation. Australia agreed to article 83 and then adopted them through legislation when Labor was in government. It is now being given to CASA to administer. The power will assist industry with their international operations and facilitate the ability to use aircraft in other countries during times when they are under-utilised in Australia—for example, during the northern Australia wet season.

However, I issue a word of caution. This power should not be unfettered, nor should there be an unfettered power to CASA. We must ensure that these agreements are not entered into lightly and that it does not result in lower standards of maintenance. We therefore must be well satisfied that countries given responsibility for Australian aircraft have impeccable standards like those expected here domestically. We do not want to occur in the aviation industry what has occurred in the shipping industry in Australia where ships are not properly maintained and actually endanger our own national interests. I issue a word of caution to the minister, based on the minister's current performance in one area of his responsibility—the shipping industry. Let us not see the same sloppiness and lack of attention to detail now extended to the aviation industry. The opposition will, therefore, be monitoring the development of those regulations and actively pursuing questions about the limits of this new power for CASA. Other than this proviso, this is not a contentious provision.

There are a number of amendments to section 20AA of the act through this bill which have now been substantially modified through government amendments now before the House. The changes caused a significant amount of confusion and were not addressed in the second reading speech or in the explanatory memorandum. While the government has corrected what was admitted as an error in the drafting instructions, I contend that not all matters have been properly resolved by the new amendments.

I now turn to some other issues of concern to the opposition. In the supplementary explanatory memorandum, the minister has clarified that his amendments will clarify the operation of section 20AA. The change confirms that regulatory action may be taken to cancel, suspend or vary an air operator's certificate as a result of a breach of subsections (3) or (4) only if that breach occurred `knowingly or recklessly'—that is, that a mental element existed to that breach. The provisions of subsections (3) and (4) would be serious breaches. They in fact go to operating an aircraft without the appropriate airworthiness certificates and approvals or with outstanding maintenance work.

In the original bill, the changes were open to various interpretations not adequately covered in the explanatory memorandum. While the interpretation has been clarified in brief in the supplementary explanatory memorandum, I do not believe it answers all the questions. For example, what is absent from the explanation, from the second reading speech and from any information available on this bill is that, if an act of, for example, flying an aircraft without a maintenance release occurs in an unknowing or unreckless manner—if you like, in an inadvertent way—and this is discovered by the regulator either through surveillance or through an accident investigation, it is now confirmed that this is not a breach that can result in any regulatory action to suspend, vary or cancel the certificate for that breach; that is, while it is a noncompliance with a critical part of the act, it is not a breach of that act. Obviously, this raises the issue of what courses of action are open to the regulator. Regardless of the clarified legal interpretation, I believe the Australian travelling public want to know the implications and recourse available. It is a bit like ignorance of the law being a defence for breaking it. This does not sit well with us on this side, as we all understand, and therefore I am asking the minister to come forward with some more information and clarification concerning these matters.

One interpretation of the act, the literal one, has a concerning effect. That effect is that, if there is no valid certificate of airworthiness or an outstanding maintenance requirement but the operator or pilot does not know and is not reckless as to these matters, it would be lawful to fly the aircraft. A situation could arise, for example, where an operator or a pilot takes appropriate steps to confirm approval of the aircraft and is informed wrongly that it is approved to fly. Although the operator or pilot has not been reckless, the aircraft is in fact not approved—a serious issue. The amendment would mean that the aircraft has legal permission to fly, as the prohibition is dependent on the mental state of the operator or pilot. That is also why our second reading amendment calls for some more clarity from the minister on what these reforms are about. As I have already indicated this evening, this bill has been referred to a Senate legislation committee, and I believe this is a key issue to be pursued in that forum. If we think it is necessary after those investigations and, hopefully, some more information, we may consider some amendments in the Senate.

This brings me to another very contentious part of this bill, which is the introduction to CASA of a further regulatory tool, that of voluntary enforceable undertakings. This power may have worked well in other agencies, but the opposition firmly believes that this authority, CASA, is not ready for the extra power and has more than ever proven that in more recent times. These undertakings can be entered as an alternative to prosecution and may avoid excessive and expensive litigation. A strong criticism of CASA from parts of the industry is how it seems to use a large bucket of Commonwealth coffers, taxpayers' money, to outpay solicitors and silks and therefore outplay small operators—hardly the way to run aviation policy in Australia if you are concerned about safety.

But what are voluntary enforceable undertakings? I suggest to the House that they are actually a very powerful tool. They must be completely voluntary, they can be withdrawn or varied only with CASA's consent and they are enforceable through the court. That is fairly powerful, to my way of thinking. As I said before, this regulatory tool has been effective in, for example, the trade practices area. The opposition does not have any in-principle problem with voluntary enforceable undertakings, but we do have a major problem with CASA's performance in recent times and CASA being given the power at this stage. To our way of thinking, we do not consider that they have actually earned the respect and therefore a capacity to actually accept responsibility for these additional actions at this point in time. I say that because the Australian travelling public and all others dependent on aviation have charged CASA and the Minister for Transport and Regional Services with the responsibility to prescribe and regulate safety standards. In the same vein, when someone steps onto an aircraft, they charge the airline and the regulation authorities with the responsibility to deliver them safely to their destination.

We have been on the public record questioning just how effectively, consistently and efficiently CASA has been performing that role. The opposition does not pluck these concerns from thin air. I refer in passing to the Australian National Audit Office and the fact that it conducted a report into CASA's record on the key functions of safety compliance. That report, as we all know, is far from glowing. The audit report seriously questioned the proportion of time that inspectors were spending on regulatory services and surveillance activities. The report also revealed a degree of underplanning as well as overplanning of surveillance tasks, suggesting that surveillance is not being conducted in accordance with identified procedures. As a result, resources are not being used to maximum effect.

The report also found that surveillance targets are not consistently achieved across all industry sectors and that CASA did not seem to be analysing its achievement of surveillance targets. The report further found that CASA inspectors are not implementing the procedures for following up and acquitting noncompliance notices. While some noncompliance notices are not critical to air safety, the Audit Office correctly identified the flaw that, in not having proper procedures, CASA does not always know if breaches of safety regulations have been corrected.

The report was also highly critical of the trial to introduce a system based approach to surveilling large airline operators. I contend this is appalling, given the subsequent and recent critical issues at Qantas and Ansett, issues that CASA should have detected if it was properly doing its job, if it had a minister that was interested in the portfolio and if its eye was on the ball. This is just a small sample of the far ranging criticism of CASA's aviation safety compliance record. But in relation to the specific issue that is subject to the bill—the issue of voluntary enforceable undertakings—the audit report said at page 109:

... the process of operators entering into voluntary undertakings at informal conferences, once a show cause action has been invoked, will require proper documentation. Also, for undertakings to have any enduring significance they will need to be monitored by the responsible office. In the light of the ANAO's findings, cited earlier in this report, this will require improvement in the way CASA manages and prioritises tasks in its surveillance program...

And further:

... an effective quality control system is in place to ensure that the evidence is reliable, and that the quality of the inspection and audits from which the evidence is derived is consistent with the standards set by CASA.

To me, this was an unavoidable consideration, and I raised this issue with the minister's office when the bill was introduced. The Audit Office, as we all accept, has identified significant and safety-critical concerns with CASA being given this power. But, unfortunately, it would seem that those have been ignored by the minister. I think that is foolish when you consider the emerging lack of confidence by the travelling public in the performance of CASA in recent times.

The problem is that, in response to my raising this issue, the minister has introduced an amendment and that amendment does not remove these provisions to introduce these undertakings. All the amendment does is say that part of the act would only come into effect upon proclamation. In the supplementary explanatory memorandum, we are advised that this amendment will `allow adequate time for the Civil Aviation Safety Authority to develop procedures and training for its staff in relation to enforceable voluntary undertakings'. In essence, the minister is saying to this parliament and to the Australian travelling public, `Trust me.' Unfortunately, only time will tell whether we should trust him as to what arises out of this bill.

The problem for the opposition is that it does not believe the minister has earned that respect and trust in this portfolio. Neither does the vast majority of the aviation industry or indeed the broader transport using public and the transport industry. I say that not because I want to be regarded as having made an attack on the minister—don't get me wrong. We are not saying that he is untrustworthy as a person in a way that is intended to damage his character; we are saying that we do not trust his competence in and commitment to this portfolio to ensure that the changes are timed to ensure that they work. That is a huge challenge when you start to think about the issue of aviation safety. Therefore, in part of the opposition's second reading amendment there are provisions to require the minister to not proceed with this bill before this House is satisfied that CASA has corrected the problems identified not by me alone but also by the Audit Office, an organisation that is properly charged with the responsibility of scrutinising the performance of government and its agencies.

To do anything else would be letting down the industry, who will end up at the wrong end of the power if it is wielded in an incompetent manner by CASA. The aviation industry is already highly critical of the broad regulatory compliance approach of CASA. This exposes them to more risk and exposes the travelling public to more risk. Of course, as with everything in this aviation portfolio, at the end of the day it affects safety, so to let this go through in this way would neglect our responsibility to the travelling public. It is past time that this minister took more time to attend to the issues of the aviation industry. It is time he reassured himself, his department, CASA and, importantly, the Australian public that he has aviation safety regulation under control. I say that because the confidence of all concerned is being undermined, and that is no good for anyone at this very delicate point in time when there are major issues out there about aviation safety. I suggest it is time that he stopped bleating about having a measured approach to aviation reform and stopped this rhetoric that is merely hiding his reactionary, regressive and ineffective administration of a very important part of his policy portfolio.

The second schedule of the bill amends the Civil Aviation (Carriers' Liability) Act 1959. This bill corrects the cross-referencing error in the definition of `Australian international carrier' in sections 11A and 21A. Increased liability limits were inadvertently imposed on foreign charter operators. The effect of this bill is that an Australian international carrier will now be either a carrier authorised by Australia to operate scheduled international air services or, alternatively, a carrier operating a non-scheduled international charter flight permitted under section 51D of the Air Navigation Act 1920 who is an `Australian person'. The increased liability for death or personal injury will not apply to foreign charter operators but only to Australian charter operators. The opposition is satisfied that this provision was only ever intended to operate in this manner and that this amendment is therefore not contentious.

Mr Deputy Speaker, obviously you will have gathered from what I have said that the bill is fairly complicated. For that reason it is very important that we actually get it right rather than have to try to come to terms with our mistakes, which may in turn endanger the travelling public because we failed to get it right in the first instance. For that reason I foreshadowed earlier this evening that, in addition to moving a second reading amendment, it was exceptionally important that those senators who serve on the Senate legislation committee give the issues that I have raised this evening their full consideration.

I do not believe that the minister will actually take up my suggestion that we resolve our problems and hold back the final determination on the bill until then. In his normal bull-in-a-china-shop approach, he will be too interested in ramming the bill through the House of Representatives and getting it off his desk, because at the moment there are too many outstanding reports concerning the transport industry sitting on his desk and gathering dust. From his point of view, he will be able to put the red pencil through one of those items on his list. He will be able to say, `In this term of parliament, I may have at least got the Aviation Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 2) 2000 through, but in essence I have done very little else in the transport portfolio.' That is not just my view; it is the view of a lot of people operating in the transport industry at the moment. It is therefore important that I move a second reading amendment. I move:

That all words after “That” be omitted with a view to substituting the following words:

“the House is of the opinion that the bill should not be proceeded with until:

(1)the Minister satisfies this House that the Civil Aviation Safety Authority has resolved all concerns raised in the Australian National Audit Office Report on Aviation Safety Compliance issued in November 1999;

(2)the Minister satisfies this House that CASA has especially heeded and acted upon the ANAO warning of the need for CASA to improve the management and the prioritisation of tasks in its surveillance program, before using the proposed voluntary enforceable undertakings power proposed in the Bill;

(3)the Minister convinces this House that he has a clear and effective plan to ensure CASA fulfils its responsibility to rigorously and effectively regulate aviation in the interests of the Australian travelling public.”

Debate interrupted.

Mr BAIRD  (Cook) (7.11 p.m.) —It is my pleasure to rise tonight to speak in support of the Aviation Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 2) 2000. I notice that the member for Batman is now leaving the chamber. He has made some fairly sweeping statements tonight on the whole aspect of the operation of CASA. It was particularly interesting that he read the whole speech—obviously, one of his staffers had prepared it. He did not show any particular knowledge of the aspects of it but rather just gave a diatribe through the speech that had been handed to him. He was criticising the minister, and I say this to him: if he wants to show that he has the technical competence to one day be a minister in this portfolio, he has to show some understanding of the bill he is talking about. The minister he was so freely criticising, the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, has done an outstanding job across every aspect of the portfolio and has shown real leadership. You would think that the member for Batman was talking about some third-world country in terms of the aviation safety regulations in this country whereas, as we all know, we have a very proud and outstanding record in air safety in Australia. Yes, there have been some areas that have needed the minister's attention over the last few years in relation to CASA, but overall it has performed its functions well and the minister's control and direction of that area of responsibility have been nothing less than first rate.

The debate and the amendment that has been moved tonight are not really directed at the bill, which is in essence a technical bill. The aviation bill was brought in several months ago, and the broad provisions passed through this House and through the Senate. This bill involves minor technical provisions. The amendment moved has little to do with this bill; rather, it talks about the overall operation of CASA. By all means, let us have a debate on that if the member for Batman wishes it, to show the credentials of one side of the House to the other in a free-ranging debate, but attempted point-scoring by trying to widen out the nature of this bill is somewhat counterproductive. It is a straightforward exercise. It relates, firstly, to the ownership of aircraft—quite often, the ownership of aircraft that is leased in one country and operated by an airline in another and that is flying in Australia—and simplifying the question of responsibility: the airline that is operating it takes over that responsibility. That is one part, and it is fairly straightforward, fairly simple and fairly pragmatic.

The other aspect is a voluntary undertaking where there has been some breach—not a serious breach—of the aviation regulations and the individual, the pilot, concerned has agreed in writing to undertake to rectify that. That can be enforceable at law. These are fairly straightforward, simple provisions, ones which I am sure we would all agree to. That is the nature of the bill. It is technical but simple, straightforward—no major changes. What we had tonight was a whole diatribe in relation to CASA's operation, without any real substance to it at all, but quite a well crafted speech given by the member for Batman, who I am sure had not one piece of input into it. But it was interesting to hear it.

Tonight I want to talk about the Civil Aviation Safety Authority's comprehensive review into legislation in this area in Australia which was brought forward in the previous bill. The bill's primary focus is to amend the Civil Aviation Act 1988 and also to make some minor changes to the Civil Aviation (Carriers Liability) Act 1959. Changes were made in April of last year, as I have said. Basically, there are some minor technical changes to redress drafting errors. The bill contains three elements. Firstly, it gives CASA the power to take enforceable written undertakings from people in relation to air safety compliance; secondly, it allows CASA to enter into article 83bis agreements with other national aviation regulatory bodies; and, thirdly, it brings the terminology used in the current act into line with that used by ICAO. The overall drive behind this legislation is to improve the clarity and international compatibility of our aviation legislation. It is a changed environment, as you, Mr Deputy Speaker, would well know. We have global alliances of airlines and a changing scene. We have the Star Alliance and oneworld alliance changing the face of aviation around the world. There is cross-leasing of aircraft—aircraft coming from various parts of the world. As they enter into peak times airlines often borrow aircraft from others in non-peak areas around the globe. This bill is recognising those requirements.

Air safety is obviously important to all Australians, particularly to those in my electorate. Fifty-five per cent of all aircraft take-offs and landings in Sydney come over my electorate, and obviously the residents in my electorate are very concerned about it. Also, living in the electorate of Cook we have many employees working both at the airport and for the airlines. As I understand it, most airline operators will welcome the steps being taken in this legislation. This week at the Friends of Tourism lunch we were very happy to hear from the incoming managing director of Qantas, Geoff Dixon, who I am sure will do an outstanding job in leading that company, which has such a fine tradition in this country and an excellent reputation internationally.

The aviation reform process currently being undertaken by the government will also reduce many of the costs involved to both aviation suppliers and consumers in the future. It is alongside the government's efforts to deregulate the industry and to increase the competitiveness in this sector. It will also assist in driving down the price of air travel in this country, of which I am sure we would all approve. Of course, the introduction of the two new airlines, Impulse and Virgin, has brought air fares down very markedly in this country, which is a great plus for consumers.

A provision of this bill empowers CASA to take written undertakings from people on aviation safety issues. The undertakings made can then be rendered legally enforceable by the Federal Court. This is an extension of the existing enforcement powers possessed by CASA. Section 87B of the Trade Practices Act allows for an enforceable undertaking to be written by a person or organisation who makes minor breaches against the act. They are useful in that they can bypass the normal lengthy and costly legal proceedings that are normally required.

The terms of the Aviation Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 2) 2000 envisage that CASA will use its power to accept these undertakings only with respect to relatively minor transgressions. For example, a pilot who goes into airspace that they should not have been in would undertake on a voluntary basis to write to CASA and say, `I've clearly breached the guidelines and I'm prepared to undertake training to ensure that I do not breach that in the future.' CASA has the power to enforce this through the Federal Court. But of course it is important to recognise that more serious breaches could still be enforced with CASA's strong enforcement powers, such as licence cancellation, fine or other sanctions. That is perfectly understandable—a voluntary agreement for minor breaches; not a huge deal. I listened to the shadow minister, who has made it the centrepiece of aviation safety in this country. It is not that; it is a minor technical amendment.

Article 83bis agreements are with the controlling aviation bodies of other countries. In December 1994 Australia ratified article 83bis of the Chicago convention. This convention says that a country an aircraft is registered in is responsible for monitoring and regulating the safety of that aircraft, regardless of where in the world that aircraft is. Article 83bis of the convention permits the transfer of this responsibility if an aircraft is registered in one country but operated by a person or company whose principal place of residence is another country.

This bill allows CASA to enter into these agreements and has got two significant advantages. Firstly, it sidesteps the basic administrative problems that arise when an aircraft is registered in one country but is largely being operated in another country. Secondly, it makes easier in quieter periods for Australian aircraft operators to lease their aircraft to operators overseas, and we have seen that increasingly take place when aircraft might be redundant for one reason or another. This provision will obviously be welcomed by those Australian aircraft operators whose work is largely seasonal, such as charter aircraft, crop-dusters, et cetera, as part of the business opportunities that they can take advantage of. Securing overseas leases has previously been more difficult for Australian operators, as their aircraft were subject to Australian rules, regulations, safety inspections and so on, even if the plane was mostly being operated overseas.

Some terminology consistency aspects are also being introduced in this bill. As part of the global rule harmonisation resolution, recognised terms like `aeronautical product' will be used instead of `aircraft component' or `aircraft material'. They are sensible rules of harmonisation. This technical bill is particularly good news. I am sure that the next speaker, like the shadow minister, will again try to raise the spectre of CASA. CASA has been doing an excellent job in this country. The minister has been doing an outstanding job. Yes, there have been some issues, but these have been addressed. There is a technical requirement providing for individual pilots to agree to undertake remedial activity if required as a result of minor breaches of requirements. If serious breaches occur they can be addressed through other legal means.

Finally, registration can be recognised in terms of ownership arrangements where an aircraft is operated within one country but may be owned in another—part of the modern globalisation that is occurring in the aviation area. I commend this bill to the House. It will assist in reducing costs, it will recognise current arrangements and it will simplify administrative arrangements across the board. It is certainly a bill that does not warrant the type of amendments we have seen brought forward by the Labor Party or the type of comments we have heard. It should be supported by all members of this House.

Mr ALBANESE  (Grayndler) (7.23 p.m.) —I am pleased to support the amendments moved by the shadow minister to the Aviation Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 2) 2000, which is concerned with CASA and safety in the operation of airports in Australia. Of course, we all know that the situation of CASA and air safety is a mess under this government. Its own appointments have said that it is a mess. Those people who have been put on the board—well-known government supporters such as Dick Smith—have indeed been very critical of the operation of these organisations.

Tonight I particularly want to take the opportunity to express my concern, on behalf of my constituents in Grayndler, about air safety and the operation of Kingsford Smith airport. The Kingsford Smith airport is an airport which has reached its time limit. It is full. Anyone who flies in and out of Sydney airport knows about the time delays, which occur because, frankly, the number of movements is at breaking point. Indeed, I moved a private member's bill, seconded by the member for Watson, in this House to ensure that there was a cap of 80 movements per hour at Sydney airport. That also resulted in guarantees of slots for regional airlines from New South Wales into Kingsford Smith airport. That was not a technical issue; that was an issue in part about safety. We believe that, when aircraft are flying over the most densely populated area of Australia, that is, the inner suburbs of Sydney, 80 movements are about all that Sydney airport can take. Yet, what we have seen in the past year are numerous breaches of the cap—interestingly enough, not while the Olympics were on—at Sydney airport. I say that to dismiss any potential criticism made by, for example, the Daily Telegraph journalist Piers Akerman who suggested that it was all Olympics related. Indeed, there were more aircraft movements in and out of Sydney airport over the December-January holiday period than there were during the Sydney Olympics. And that says a lot about the pressure which is being placed on Sydney airport.

My concern, as a member of the Sydney Airport Community Forum, is that when we have questioned those people concerned with aviation safety it is apparent that what those bodies do when they look at safety concerns is to take into account the safety of the people in the aircraft; they take no account whatsoever of the safety of people on the ground. God forbid any accident with an aircraft coming down, but if one does come down—and they do, from time to time—better it come down where there are no people than in an area which is the most densely populated in Australia. That is why we have seen the real plan come out with regard to Kingsford Smith airport. No matter how much people might prevaricate over the issue of a second Sydney airport and the need for it—and governments of both persuasions have prevaricated for decades about doing what needs to be done—the reality is that Sydney airport is now at its limit. It is now breaching the cap of 80 movements. Pressure has now been placed on the curfew also, which has been breached at Sydney airport. That is why the government's absurd decision, which says, `No, we won't build a second airport for Sydney, but we will reserve the land around Badgerys Creek because we know we will have to do something down the track and, in the meantime, we will stop regional airlines flying in and out of Sydney airport and move them to Bankstown,' is the worst possible option.

When confronted by this, the National Party representatives in regional New South Wales, including the leader, the Minister for Transport and Regional Services, said, `No. We won't force them to move out of Sydney airport to Bankstown.' No, of course they won't—they will just price them out. That is what will occur. That is what was in the briefing given by Bankstown Airport Limited to country federal MPs, state MPs and mayors in January of this year. In spite of the fact there were a number of National Party representatives at that meeting, not one of them brought to the attention of their constituents the fact that they were about to be treated as second-class citizens and discriminated against and moved to Bankstown. The Bankstown airport option is bad for regional New South Wales because it treats them as second-class citizens. It is bad for the people around Sydney airport because it means that jet movements will increase as the propeller and regional flights are moved out. It is bad for the people around Bankstown, including those people in south-western Sydney, who will suffer from aircraft noise.

 

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Debate resumed from 7 February, on motion by Mr Truss:

That the bill be now read a second time.

upon which Mr Martin Ferguson moved by way of amendment;

That all words after “That” be omitted with a view to substituting the following words:

“the House is of the opinion that the bill should not be proceeded with until:

(1)the Minister satisfies this House that the Civil Aviation Safety Authority has resolved all concerns raised in the Australian National Audit Office Report on Aviation Safety Compliance issued in November 1999;

(2)the Minister satisfies this House that CASA has especially heeded and acted upon the ANAO warning of the need for CASA to improve the management and the prioritisation of tasks in its surveillance program, before using the proposed voluntary enforceable undertakings power proposed in the Bill; and

(3)the Minister convinces this House that he has a clear and effective plan to ensure CASA fulfils their responsibility to rigorously and effectively regulate aviation in the interests of the Australian travelling public.

 

Mr ALBANESE  (Grayndler) (9.52 a.m.) —Yesterday I was outlining my concern regarding aviation safety, particularly regarding the operation of Sydney (Kingsford Smith) Airport and the fact that it is my view—and commonsense tells us and anyone travelling in and out of Sydney knows—that Sydney airport has reached its capacity. My concern is that the failure of this government to take action in accordance with its own political commitments given in its aviation and Sydney airport policy called Putting People First, announced prior to the 1996 election, has meant that that pressure on Sydney airport has continued to grow and has meant that, if that continues, the danger to safety of those people who live around the airport, as the pressure expands, is ever greater.

In particular, we have seen from this government a failure to get on with building a second airport for Sydney in accordance with its own policies. It has been put off and a plan has been developed to move all regional airlines to Bankstown so that Sydney airport becomes a jet aircraft airport only. That is a disaster for the people around Sydney airport, it is a disaster for people around Bankstown airport and it is a disaster for the economy of regional NSW, and also for the economy of Australia and New South Wales in general, of which airport operations at Sydney are a major component. We know this to be the case not because of any open policy announced by the government but by the leaking of documents.

Firstly, as I referred to last evening, the New South Wales country political briefing, `Transforming Bankstown to the airport of choice for regional New South Wales', was given to federal, state and local political representatives from New South Wales on 11 February 2000. I have here—and I mentioned it at the time, now almost one year ago—a 17-page proposal for Bankstown airport to become the regional airport for New South Wales. This plan included terminal facilities, operations at the airport, transport requirements and transfers between Bankstown airport and Kingsford Smith airport—indeed, a whole 17-page plan to ensure that Bankstown airport became the major regional airport for New South Wales. It concluded that:

Success will be dependent upon the level of commitment and support a proposed regional airport at Bankstown receives from regional communities. Regional communities have a genuine opportunity to turn a regional airport at Bankstown into a successful aeronautical and business facility that they can call their own.

Their emphasis, Mr Speaker. They then said:

It is essential that the economic and political backing is in place to begin the process. The challenge is for the regional communities to commit themselves to support the transformation of Bankstown airport as their airport of choice. The commitment to a regional airport at Bankstown is a commitment to the future prosperity of regional New South Wales.

Well, what an extraordinary proposition! What these people are proposing is that a discriminatory development in aviation policy, whereby people from regional New South Wales would be treated as second-class citizens, should actually be welcomed by regional New South Wales. They should welcome the fact that, if you are from a city or from overseas, you can fly into the centre of Sydney but, if you are from Tamworth or Port Macquarie or any of the regional centres in New South Wales, you will have to fly to Bankstown.

And they talk about the political support being put in place—we have seen that occurring as well. The Committee for Sydney Inc. produced a document in June 2000, Sydney's gateways in the 21st century. Part 1, `The Airports', was prepared by Access Economics and Maunsell McIntyre. This is an extraordinary document. It says, quite rightly, that there are two options for Sydney's future airport needs: firstly, to build an international airport at Badgerys Creek and limit new development at Kingsford Smith airport, with Bankstown remaining a general aviation airport. That is, essentially, the same proposal that has been given the tick by the environmental impact statement—developed at a cost of some $16 million by this government and then ignored. The second proposal is, essentially, to transfer regional aircraft to Bankstown in around 2012 and then to develop Bankstown as the regional airport. When you look at who actually makes up the Committee for Sydney Inc., we should not be surprised at its recommendations. The Committee for Sydney Inc. suggests that Badgerys Creek or a second Sydney airport does not need to be in operation until the year 2020—that it can just continue to expand further. That has been picked up, including, unfortunately, by a couple of my colleagues in one of the motions that remains on the Notice Paper.

Why is that not surprising? It is because the Committee for Sydney Inc. comprises, amongst others, Sydney Airport Corporation Ltd—the corporation that runs Sydney airport and owns Bankstown airport. In the lead-up to this government's privatisation of Sydney airport, it is not surprising that the owners of Sydney airport want to squeeze maximum capacity and operation from that airport—regardless of what it means for the people who live near the airport, the New South Wales regions and the Australian economy.

The cost-benefit analysis of this proposal is extremely interesting. First, there is the slot system at Sydney airport. Regional airlines are currently guaranteed positions at the airport. The Committee for Sydney Inc. has suggested that the value to an airline of carrying 100 passengers per return flight is $365,000 a year, with a capitalised value of $2.5 million. It concluded that, over time, many regional airlines will occupy slots at Kingsford Smith airport that are worth more than their aircraft. That is why the chairman of Impulse Airlines, Jerry McGowan, has pointed out that the desperation to buy Hazelton Airlines is, in part, about trying to convert Hazelton's regional slots at KSA to jet aircraft slots for the major airlines. At present, Sydney airport is simply too congested to allow new market entrants to grow and compete.

The second issue raised is the serious economic damage that will be done to country areas if access to Sydney airport is sought from them and they are treated as second-class citizens. Let us look at the extra costs that travellers will face if regional air services move from Kingsford Smith airport to Bankstown. We must note that Bankstown airport is some three kilometres from any rail options, so it is likely that business travellers will be forced to catch a taxi from Bankstown to inner Sydney. The Committee for Sydney Inc.—the pro-Bankstown airport group—has estimated that 60 per cent of all domestic business and leisure travellers into Sydney have inner Sydney as their final destination. They are looking at a taxi fare of some $45. It is conservatively estimated that it will take one hour to travel from Bankstown to inner Sydney and we can conservatively value people's time at $55 an hour—many business travellers would certainly put a much higher value on their time.

A table prepared by the Southern Sydney Regional Organisation of Councils shows the increased costs to regional New South Wales of moving regional airlines to Bankstown. Given that in 1999-2000 there were 472,706 passenger trips to Sydney from Albury, Armidale, Ballina, Coffs Harbour, Dubbo, Griffith, Moree, Orange, Parkes, Port Macquarie, Tamworth, Taree and Wagga Wagga, given the increased taxi fare and estimating the value of people's time at $55 an hour, additional surface travel costs alone will amount to $45,379,000. That money will be sucked out of regional New South Wales.

Where has the National Party been on this issue? National Party members attended the briefing on 11 February 2000 about transforming Bankstown into the regional airport for New South Wales, but since then they have been silent on this issue—silent, once again, in defending their communities. Sydney airport is being prepared for privatisation at the time when the government committed itself to privatising the airport under legislation only when Sydney's aircraft noise problems had been solved. What has happened? The airport's noise problems have worsened.

There is inadequate funding and scope for the insulation project around Sydney airport. Inasmuch as this government has rhetoric about small business, it has failed to compensate small businesses around Sydenham in my electorate that have closed as a result of the demolition of half of that community where conditions were simply unlivable. The cap has been breached over and over again but this government has taken no serious action. Curfews are breached continually. Yet the only plan the government has is more noise, more jet movements over Sydney airport and moving regional airlines to Bankstown. There are no real solutions to the aircraft noise problem and uncertainty remains for people living near the Badgerys Creek airport site. The land has been reserved, which is an acknowledgment that a major infrastructure project will take place to build a second airport for Sydney. (Time expired)

 

Mr McARTHUR  (Corangamite) (10.07 a.m.) —I rise to participate in this debate because of my activities on a number of standing committees of the parliament, my interest in the international surveillance of aircraft and ships and the comparisons we might draw from the Aviation Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 2) 2000, which seeks to incorporate Australia's aviation safety regime into international regimes. I think it is an interesting debate as to how this parliament might draw up a code of conduct that will enforce international regulations that are compatible with Australia's aviation laws. The previous speaker, the honourable member for Grayndler, did not address the bill. Instead he went into the age-old arguments of the Sydney airport. I do not think he made one comment about international safety regulations. The shadow minister, the member for Batman, at least addressed the bill, although I notice that the amendment, again, does not address the key issues that this bill brings before the parliament.

To open the batting, I will deal with the bill in some detail. It talks about making the Civil Aviation Act 1988 compatible with international regulations and entering into article 83bis agreements with the national airworthiness authorities of other nations. It gives CASA the power to accept enforceable written undertakings from people in relation to compliance with civil aviation safety legislation in Australia. It also makes a minor amendment to the Civil Aviation (Carriers' Liability) Act. In simple terms, the bill is trying to make sure that our safety regulations are compatible with those of international regimes—that is, the International Civil Aviation Organisation. It seeks to harmonise those requirements and get the terms the same, both in Australia and internationally.

The article 83bis agreements, which are dealt with under the Convention on International Civil Aviation, Chicago 1944—the Chicago convention—again attempt to make the arrangements compatible. One of the key issues is to ensure that an aircraft which is registered in one country and operated in another can be included in these regimes. It seems quite reasonable to ensure, where aircraft move around the world rapidly, that when aircraft are maintained in a country but owned in another the international authorities have some way of controlling them. The issue of CASA's ability to comply with international regulations and surveillance needs to be resolved. This bill attempts to ensure this takes place.

Those fairly technical details are known to members of the parliament, but the key issue is this: how does Australia ensure that these safety regulations are enforced at an international level? I have been involved with two committees that have considered this problem. Mr Deputy Speaker Jenkins, I think you participated in one inquiry—the Ships of shame inquiry. Another—the Plane safe inquiry—looked at safety in general aviation in Australia. The Ships of shame inquiry addressed the fundamental problem of how Australia organises a set of rules and regulations that can influence international shipping operations in terms of safety, capacity and ability to look after personnel and make sure the ships are seaworthy. Originally, that was regarded as an impossible task. There are a number of difficulties with the bill before the parliament because it tries to say to other aircraft owners and operators that they will comply with Australian standards. The fundamental question is: what authority does this parliament have to force international operators to comply with our regulations?

The Ships of shame inquiry demonstrated that in Australia we can enforce a certain set of regulations and standards by way of control over international shipping which, I think, serves to demonstrate the model that we might use with international aircraft. That report listed a number of deficiencies in international ships that carried iron ore in particular. There were a number of fatalities. One set of figures I have indicates that, in 1991, 19 ships sank, generally because they were old—between the ages of 15 and 24 years—and 149 personnel were lost. The question at that stage was: how can we in Australia enforce safety standards on international shipping lines and shipping companies?

Following this landmark report of the committee chaired by the Hon. Peter Morris, I believe we did have an impact on international shipping—so much so that the Australian Maritime Safety Authority now puts out a ship detention list on which the deficiencies of international ships are listed and made public. It means that ship owners, classification societies and insurers are aware of such ships coming into Australia. It is interesting to note, by way of comparison, what a great job AMSA has done in organising and making sure that the ships that come to Australia are of a high quality.

During December, inspections were carried out on 13 Australian ships and 231 foreign registered vessels. There were a number of identifiable defects. On each ship serious deficiencies were identified. For instance, on one ship cargo hatch covers were wasted and holed. On another ship navigation bridge visibility was impaired by containers. They could not even see out to guide the ship through the ports. Another ship had engine room ventilation fire dampers holed, which was a very serious fire risk. The list goes on. Here we have a list identifying international ships and their deficiencies. In Australia, maritime safety requirements have gone up quite markedly.

We have made an impact on international regulation, not by statute but by providing port state control and a system where people know that if they come to Australia in a rust bucket the authorities will turn them around or detain them in the port. I suggest that we need to have that culture in regard to international aircraft—that if second-rate or third-class international aircraft come to Australia the owners or operators will know that under this legislation CASA will have the power to identify these aircraft and so they will be deterred from bringing them to Australia. With ships, there was not the pressure of the marketplace to keep up the quality and, unfortunately, the sanctity of human life in terms of those crews was not a great consideration by the shipowners. But, obviously, with passengers on international flights there is a tremendous pressure on the owners and operators to make sure that their aircraft are safe, that they have been well maintained and that they meet both Australian and international standards.

The report of the other inquiry I participated in, Plane safe, was basically a discussion about the safety of aviation in the commuter and general aviation sectors. Similar problems arose in terms of how you organise these safety requirements. Again I say that, whilst we might have joined the Chicago agreement and are part of an international set of safety arrangements, we have to make sure that here in Australia our safety authority can implement these programs. It is not as easy as some people think. To ensure a safety strategy is difficult. First, you have to educate the operators and the owners and the safety authority, CASA, as to what is involved. You need to license the main airline operators—which goes without saying. With the smaller aircraft that is a little more difficult. You need to have a program of surveillance. I notice that members of the opposition in their amendment talk about the audit of the Civil Aviation Safety Authority. That authority needs to have an aircraft surveillance regime and an ability to enforce the rules and regulations. So it is not as easy as people would imagine. Over the two years of this inquiry CASA and its officers found it difficult to have a surveillance and enforcement regime. I suggest to the parliament that at an international level this is even more difficult.

Just by way of passing, one problem involved bogus parts. Again, on international aircraft that are not fully up to standard this could be a problem. We found in the Plane safe inquiry that with the smaller commuter aircraft some of the second-hand parts were a real problem. Were some of these second-hand parts counterfeited? Was their documentation falsified? Were they genuine? Were they damaged? What was the service record of these parts? This seems a comparatively small aspect of the whole aviation industry, but let me assure you that some of these parts in the bigger jets and the smaller aircraft are very costly and because of commercial pressures people can be inclined to use second-hand and bogus parts in the maintenance structure. So again we see a problem in one aspect of the industry. CASA was able to identify the parts and a strict regime ensured that there was a covering of the parts to make sure that they did not get into the chain.

I am advocating that in Australia we have a culture of safety. No amount of international regulation or joining of international organisations will change an attitude of mind. In general passenger aviation, big aircraft are complex vehicles. A small defect in their maintenance can bring about a major catastrophe, as all members would be aware. In Australia we need to develop a culture of safety rather than relying on the legality of international agreements, which this bill enforces. In Australia the major airlines should ensure that their aircraft are maintained in a sound and proper way.

In terms of this culture of safety again I was privileged to be part of a recent committee, which tabled a report called Beyond the midnight oil: managing fatigue in transport. We were able to go and see first-hand how the maintenance activities of the aircraft of Qantas and Ansett were undertaken. The issue at stake on this occasion was the fatigue of the licensed aeronautical maintenance engineers, LAMEs, as they are known, who have 12-hour shifts from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m., during which they carry out very complex maintenance tasks for the 707 jet aircraft which move around Australia and internationally.

The fundamental questions facing the parliament are these: are these tasks being executed in a workmanlike manner? Is there a culture of safety? What rules and regulations and procedures can this parliament enforce to ensure the safety of passengers on domestic and international routes? They are the ones that we are particularly concerned to adjust. When the members of the committee inspected both Ansett and Qantas we were impressed that the attitude of the maintenance engineers was first-class. They had a pride in their job. They understood the gravity of the maintenance tasks they were undertaking. I was personally pleased to see the way this was organised.

Whilst there has been recent publicity about one or two minor maintenance breaches, I can assure members of the House that, in our view, those two organisations, as far as we could see, had undertaken to ensure that these tasks were executed to the best of their ability. There was a pride by those LAMEs for jobs being well executed, although there was an obvious problem of fatigue between 3 a.m. and 6 a.m. and that matter was being addressed. It is interesting that in the report we made the comment that both Qantas and Ansett are addressing the problems of fatigue in these maintenance operations. Again, I draw the comparison that, whilst we have a technical bill joining an international surveillance operation, the important thing is to ensure that these fundamental maintenance tasks are executed well at the Australian headquarters of the maintenance operations.

Qantas, in their operations, were going to have a good look at the controlled overtime and encourage a `no blame' culture so that, if something was wrong, nobody was blamed but they remedied the problem so that there was again a culture of safety in the whole organisation rather than one of regulation, one of concern that CASA would come and report on them and that there would be a shifting of the blame. They were going to look at a close auditing of subsidiary engineering and maintenance operations. Again, there was a fairly strict program, as we understood, looking at these various operations. The point that we were looking at was the fatigue of these operators whose good work and important contribution was vital to the aircraft maintenance and to ensuring that any particular aircraft was able to operate in both Australia and internationally.

I commend the bill. It adds some international compatibility to this very vexed problem. There is no easy answer, in my view, to safety matters, especially in aviation. There is a new culture where the pressure of the marketplace ensures that the major airline carriers are paranoid—if I can use that word—about safety because, if they lose an aircraft, that would impinge upon their public record and their ability to attract passengers. So that has a tremendous pressure to ensure that they obey the regulations and maintain their own maintenance standards because it is the right thing to do rather than obeying an international covenant or regulation.

Whilst this parliament can legislate and we can join international agreements, the fundamental bottom line is that we encourage a culture of maintenance, that we encourage Australians to develop an apprenticeship system where there is a developing new breed of LAMEs who will come and service the aircraft of the future here in Australia, that Australian aircraft are not serviced overseas where this culture does not exist and that we maintain our aircraft in first-class order. This legislation will encourage some of those airlines in Third World countries to adopt more stringent safety procedures. I think that will be in the interest of some Australian travellers who seek cheap fares on those airlines.

I commend the legislation, I commend the attitude and I commend some of the deliberations of committees in this House who have looked at this very vexed issue of how we maintain safety, how we get a legislative regime that ensures safety is part of the Australian background and how we enforce it. Some of the evidence before these committees and some of the debate in this parliament says that it is a very difficult issue to force people, in a legislative sense, to provide safety in their operations. I suggest that it is the marketplace, it is the pressure of the people, the customers out there, that in the long run will ensure aircraft safety on both international and domestic routes.

Mr WILKIE  (Swan) (10.26 a.m.) —I welcome the Aviation Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 2) 2000. However, I have some points to make pertaining to the management of civil aviation within Australia and particularly some concerns that I have about its effects upon my home state of Western Australia. It is the responsibility of government to maintain the aviation industry and to ensure that it is sustained to a safe standard, run effectively and harmonised within the community rather than working against community interests.

Let me begin by examining the general state of Australia's aviation industry. According to the Department of Transport and Regional Services, in 1998 there were 10,072 registered aeroplanes operating in this country. Nearly 70 million passengers are flown around the country each year, earning $26.5 billion in revenue for the domestic airlines. Australian aviation logged almost two million flying hours in 1997-98. In my state of Western Australia, the figures show that the number of flying hours has increased by more than in any other state. In 1992-93, 258,300 hours were flown in Western Australia. That figure has increased to 350,100 in just six years. In 1997-98, Perth airport moved 4,618,510 passengers on 55,893 scheduled flights. As these statistics demonstrate, civil aviation is of growing importance to Western Australia and particularly to my electorate of Swan, which contains Perth airport.

This legislation proposes to do three things. Firstly, the bill provides for CASA to enter into article 83bis agreements with foreign aviation operators. Secondly, CASA will be given the power to enforce written undertakings concerning safety, voluntarily submitted by Australian aircraft operators. Finally, an error relating to liabilities on foreign charter operators is removed. I note that the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry, in his second reading speech, stated:

The ability for Australia to enter into Article 83bis agreements should also benefit the Australian aviation industry and the consumer in terms of increased economic opportunities and reduced costs. For example, domestic operators would potentially have greater flexibility and more cost-effective options in operating their aircraft fleets

Given the problems that have beset the Australian aviation industry over the term of this government, it is possible to argue that there is too much flexibility in the system at the moment. Whilst one would not argue for an inefficient and uncompetitive aviation industry, the government's preoccupation with privatisation and cost effectiveness is causing problems with regard to safety. I consider the most important factor to consider in civil aviation is the safe transportation of people and cargo. Yet this government appears to have a preoccupation with outsourcing, and I believe this only encourages the cutting of corners and a deterioration in safety standards.

There have been a number of highly publicised accidents and faults reported over the past 18 months. The responses received by the Civil Aviation Safety Authority and the Australian Transport Safety Bureau have highlighted the low level of concern this government has in relation to aircraft safety. Once aspect of the safety issue that has concerned many observers is the privatisation of emergency services at Australia's regional airports. This could very well lead to a decrease in the quality of service provision due to the expense and location of these airports. Once again the Australian passenger has come second to the government's accounting exercises.

What I consider to be the most shocking example of an aviation accident over the past 18 months was seen on the runway of Bangkok airport. Here a Qantas jet overshot the runway and the end result was a $100 million refit of the plane concerned and a tarnishing of Qantas's international reputation for safety. The public's confidence in Qantas had already been dented, particularly when faults continued to occur. A further incident that attracted attention recently was the collapse of a nose wheel on an Ansett jet at Sydney airport. Whilst no-one was injured, the Transport Safety Bureau decided not to investigate as the incident did not pose a threat to passenger safety. There have been numerous other incidents and faults reported in recent times. A classic example was the incident with Ansett over the Christmas break when cracks that had developed were found in some of their 767 aircraft. There was also recently the incident of the Singapore Airlines jumbo engine exploding. But the event that has placed aviation safety into sharp focus of late was the tragic crash of a Whyalla Airlines plane into the Spencer Gulf. However, we are still waiting for the accident investigation report into that particular accident.

These incidents have placed aircraft safety at the forefront of the community's mind. The consequences for the Australian aviation industry of a loss of confidence by the public would be very significant. Unfortunately, the somewhat inadequate activities of the Civil Aviation Safety Authority and, by extension, the Minister for Transport and Regional Services have come under increased scrutiny due to the increase in accidents and technical problems over the past year. According to the Transport Safety Bureau, the number of incidents—that is, everything from minor mechanical faults to planes straying into the wrong airspace—reached 162 per 100,000 flying hours in 1998. That statistic stands in stark comparison to 1991, when there were just 81.9 incidents per 100,000 flying hours. In other words, the rate of safety incidents has effectively doubled in those seven years. That indicates that something is very wrong at CASA, as well as at the Department of Transport and Regional Services.

What practical action has been taken by the minister to address the community's concern over aviation safety? When all the investigations and reports and recommendations are stripped away, one finds that very little is actually happening in the policy arena to staunch the spiralling number of safety incidents. To draw an analogy, it is as if the minister has fallen asleep in the cockpit, with the result that aviation safety in this country has gone into a nosedive. If that is not the case and the minister is actually awake, then the situation can be summed up by the three wise monkeys—see no evil, speak no evil and hear no evil. That is precisely what the minister's behaviour has been reminiscent of over the past year in spite of CASA presiding over drastically declining safety standards in Australian aviation. I note that this bill provides for CASA to accept written undertakings from operators with regard to aircraft safety. But that system is only voluntary. Surely at a time when the public perception of aviation safety is at a low level, the appropriate action would be to require operators to give enforceable undertakings on a compulsory basis. The provisions in the bill simply do not go far enough.

As I explained earlier, my electorate of Swan contains Perth airport. Statistics from the Department of Transport and Regional Services, which I also quoted earlier, reveal that the volume of traffic at Perth airport is increasing by more than at any other metropolitan airport in Australia. Passenger volumes have escalated at five per cent per annum and gross volumes in tonnage have increased by 10 per cent. There is evidence to suggest that this will be the norm over the next decade as Perth increasingly handles more traffic. Because of this, it might be expected that the minister might unclasp his eyes, ears and mouth for a moment. This may ensure safer conditions for passengers who use the airport facilities in the electorate of Swan and within Australia.

I have spoken in this House on numerous occasions about the behaviour of the airport operators, Westralia Airports Corporation. On 12 May 1999 I informed the House about the consultation period offered by Westralia for the Perth airport draft master plan, the document which will set the trend for air traffic volume and movements for many years to come. Westralia Airports granted just four days for submissions to be made—four days for a document that affects thousands of people in my electorate. After I and many others concerned about this extraordinary piece of gagging protested, the minister took Westralia Airports to task over the lack of consultation. He then, with much fanfare, put out a press release claiming that the operators were on notice. Subsequent developments at Perth airport seem to indicate that the press release was yet another Howard government public relations exercise. If this is an indication of the government's greater flexibility in aviation policy, then I strongly object to it.

The wave of safety breaches and faults that has blighted civil aviation in this country has sadly extended across the Nullarbor. Last year the engine of a landing jet hit the tarmac at Perth airport, leading to major structural damage to the aircraft. Having read the incident report of the accident, I believe that we were very lucky not to have an incident similar to that which occurred at Hong Kong airport when a landing 747 was flipped over and crashed in a fireball, killing a lot of people on board. When we have similar sorts of difficulties occurring at our airports around this country, we really need to look at our safety standards. Under this government's policies, these incidents are becoming far more common, and with the increasing volume of traffic at Perth airport the likelihood of such events happening again will only increase.

I turn now to make two points specifically relating to Perth airport. The first is the proposed relocation of the Air Traffic Terminal Control Unit from Perth to Melbourne and the second is the issue of noise for the residents of Swan. The majority of air traffic in the Australian Flight Information Region is controlled from centres at Melbourne and Brisbane airports. Presently, Cairns, Sydney, Adelaide and Perth have terminal control units that control traffic within 36 nautical miles, about 66 kilometres. From these terminal control units, all of the airspace down to ground level is controlled. The associated control towers at the respective airports control aircraft and vehicle movements on the ground and themselves have no airspace control.

Perth airport is situated between the busiest RAAF base in Australia, Pearce, 15 nautical miles to the north, and one of the busiest secondary airports in Australia, Jandakot, eight nautical miles to the south. The controllers at the terminal control unit therefore work in close association with air traffic controllers at these two airports. In some runway configurations, the flight paths of aircraft have to cross while aircraft are positioned for instrument approaches to runway 21 at Perth airport and runway 36 at Pearce. Operations such as this require a high level of coordination between Perth and Pearce.

Airservices Australia, the provider of civil air traffic control in Australia, is currently studying the relocation of the terminal control unit at Cairns to the Brisbane centre and the terminal control units at Sydney, Adelaide and Perth to Melbourne. The reasons that Airservices Australia has indicated that the relocation is desirable centre on the `perceived efficiency gains'. However, I find this to be inaccurate for the following reasons. The gains are only `perceived'. Airservices Australia relocated approximately 40 air traffic controllers who controlled airspace outside 36 nautical miles from Perth to Melbourne and Brisbane over a number of years up until October 1999. No study that has been made public has been made into the efficiency gains actually achieved following the costs associated with moving these people and their functions. There is, however, still a requirement that a significant number of technical staff and associated support staff be located in Perth in order to maintain ground based equipment located in and around Perth airport. On the face of it, there do not appear to be any efficiency gains whatsoever.

Then there is the industrial relations impact. About 24 air traffic controller positions will either be located to Melbourne or terminated. The average age of these controllers is over 40, and most have school aged children. There is an obvious personal impact associated with any relocation of positions to Melbourne should people make the choice to move to Melbourne or to pursue career options outside Airservices Australia.

There is also the loss of money to Western Australia. Air navigation charges earned by aircraft operating at Perth airport will be lost from the economy of the state. The portion paid as salaries to air traffic controllers will be spent in Victoria—great for the Victorians but not very good for Western Australians. Furthermore, the loss to Western Australia will be exacerbated by the reduced need to invest in future infrastructure associated with this high technology environment.

There is also the cost of the transfers. Any perceived gains in efficiency must surely be offset by the considerable cost of transfers, redundancies and training of replacement staff. There is also the reduction in experience. Terminal area controllers are drawn from the most experienced and competent controllers available. This is a reflection on the complexity of the job and the level of knowledge and expertise required. Most of the terminal area controllers at Perth airport have in excess of 10 years experience in air traffic control, and their average career length would be about 20 to 25 years. Each controller who does not relocate to Melbourne will cause a reduction of the experience level by about 20 years. As it is likely that the reduction of experience will be fast and a considerable percentage of the overall level, this will impact in ways not experienced under normal circumstances of natural employment attrition.

There is also the issue of local knowledge. An article on the front page of the Australian, dated 1 February 2001, reported that in a draft legal opinion for Airservices Australia a high level of local knowledge is necessary for relevant terrain clearance. As the terminal control unit controls to ground level in and around Perth airport, a high level of local knowledge is required and useful when controlling traffic in this area. Assistance in the past has been provided in such situations as: aircraft crashes, aircraft making forced or precautionary landings, aircraft that are lost or in navigational difficulty, search and rescue operations, police surveillance operations and fire-fighting operations. In addition, there is Rally Australia, during which a high number of helicopters operate that need to be controlled. Every year in January we have our annual sky show; we have dozens of aircraft overhead during that event, and local knowledge is extremely important. Assistance has also been provided in events like the Avon Descent, military exercises, medivac operations, visits by foreign heads of state, road traffic patrols and media helicopter operations. All of these operations are closely associated with ground operations and knowledge of terrain and available ground assets. The current level of local knowledge will obviously diminish over time if the controllers are situated 2,000 kilometres away. This reduction in local knowledge may drop dramatically if a high percentage of current staff choose not to relocate to Melbourne. Associated with local knowledge is the issue of local contact with the local aviation industry and operators. The availability of direct contact makes the understanding of operators' requirements easier and safer.

There is also the reduction in facility redundancy. With dispersed terminal control units, there is a built-in redundancy available to control air traffic in Australia in the event of a catastrophic failure of one of the major centres at Brisbane or Melbourne—that is, backup safety procedures. Even though some of the processing for Perth terminal control unit is performed in Melbourne, Perth terminal control unit can operate completely disconnected from processing in Melbourne, and it does so regularly during equipment upgrades with little impact on operations. This demonstrates the redundancy capacity currently available. After a move to Melbourne, radio, radar and intercom signals—with Perth tower, Pearce air traffic control and Jandakot tower—will have to be conveyed continuously between Melbourne and Perth to control the terminal traffic, reducing redundancies currently available and increasing the chances of failure of connections because of the increased links in the chain.

There is also the issue of the time difference. During summer, Melbourne is obviously three hours ahead of Western Australia. Some airport operations are daylight-night specific, and this time difference will cause obvious problems. Additionally, one of the peak traffic periods for Perth airport is around 2100 hours or 9 p.m. This traffic will be being controlled by controllers 2,000 kilometres away after midnight.

I turn now to the issue of aircraft noise. Obviously the minister feels compelled to listen to the community on this issue, as he has recently granted Adelaide residents a significant sum to insulate their homes, but he has forgotten about the people in my electorate. Of course, it goes without saying that the pork-barrelling in Adelaide was done in marginal conservative electorates. It is nevertheless relevant because of its central importance to civil aviation in Australia. For those people living in the vicinity of airports, it affects their everyday lives. Unfortunately, the Minister for Transport and Regional Services has seen fit to pick and choose over the issue, exactly as he has done with flexibility and safety concerns.

I have previously made statements in this House concerning the Australian noise exposure forecast system of measuring aircraft noise. For those unacquainted with the system, the ANEF assigns a number according to how loud the aircraft noise may be. A rating below 20 is considered fine for residential development, whilst a level of 40 renders the area unfit for human habitation. A reading over 25 indicates the need for insulation of some description, including the double glazing of windows.

From personal experience I have good reason to question the accuracy of ANEF measurements, which seem to bear little relation to the reality on the ground. A more suitable method of measuring the impact of aircraft noise needs to be developed urgently. In certain areas of my electorate with a supposedly moderate ANEF rating of 20, the roar of incoming and outgoing aircraft makes any attempt at communication impossible. I refer to an experience I had at the Queens Park Primary School where, during an assembly, we had four aircraft fly overhead and it was actually impossible to hear any of the proceedings. The entire school just stopped while those aircraft flew overhead, and that was going on all day. That is unacceptable.

Under the Perth airport draft master plan, the ANEF of areas such as Queens Park and South Guildford is put at 35. Considering that a level of 40 is regarded as unfit for human habitation, this is very worrying for the residents in those areas and, obviously, something needs to be done to deal with that.

In conclusion, this bill contains worthy elements but really does little to remedy the large problems facing the civil aviation industry in this country. The reforms attempted by the government seem to have only resulted in increased safety incidents and an alarming cost-cutting mentality that places more value on saving money than on ensuring safety levels are at the highest level. The selective blindness, dumbness and deafness displayed by the Minister for Transport and Regional Services does not help either. (Time expired)

 

Mr CADMAN  (Mitchell) (10.46 a.m.) —In debating the Aviation Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 2) 2000 I wish also to pursue the topic of airports, and nothing has been more topical in Sydney for many years than Sydney's airport needs. I vaguely remember, perhaps 30-odd years ago, a very big debate reported in the press where the then Prime Minister, Billy McMahon, and other members of the parliament were proposing various sites for Sydney's airport needs, and sites in Western Sydney—strongly opposed at that time by the Australian Labor Party—and Taren Point were mentioned. No decision was made. Then with the election of the Whitlam government the most notable thing I remember was the then Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam, saying to the people of Galston that they would get Galston. That produced a very interesting political fallout for the Australian Labor Party in my local area. In fact, it resulted in a by-election which bought Philip Ruddock, the now Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs and Minister for Reconciliation and Aboriginal Affairs, into this parliament and eventually a change from the Labor Party in 1974 in Mitchell.

Sydney's airport needs has been a vexed question for all political parties, and there have been shifts in attitudes. Whilst I intend to be critical of my opponents, because I think that there have been double standards from the Australian Labor Party, anybody would be foolish to suggest that this is not a difficult decision. There is the built-up conurbation of Sydney, the appropriate selection of the site—if the decision is to build a second airport—the future development of Sydney (Kingsford Smith) Airport, and the demand by international travellers that Sydney must be the gateway to their entry to Australia, which may rankle with those citizens of other states but is just a physical factor and a demand factor that is driven by the market and the requirements of international travellers that Sydney be their first point of entry. I guess there is Sydney Harbour and the Opera House—a whole series of reasons why that may be.

The airport demands and the aircraft movements in Sydney have grown significantly ahead of those in other states. One of the first things Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser did at the time was to raise these issues with the then Premier of New South Wales, Neville Wran. And the Commonwealth instigated a study called `The Major Airport Needs of Sydney', the MANS study, which resulted in a report—from which the state withdrew part way through, by the way—that concluded that an extra parallel close-spaced runway should be built at Mascot and land reserved for a second airport, and the preferred site was Badgerys Creek.

Mr Wran was of the opinion that it was not within the state's interest to build the close-spaced parallel runway at Mascot but preferred to opt for Badgerys Creek. I remember Peter Morris, the then Minister for Transport, announced in 1983 that the Australian Labor Party would abandon the close-spaced parallel runway and would identify a spot for a second major airport. That was basically the position of both parties, except the coalition said that as an interim measure the close-spaced parallel runway needed to be built and that would take the pressure off the need for immediate action on a very expensive second international airport somewhere in Western Sydney, probably at Badgerys Creek. In 1982 the Hon. Wal Fife, the then Minister for Aviation, formally announced that that was the coalition's intention.

Over time the then minister, Peter Morris, and the cabinet adopted the decision that a close-spaced parallel runway should be built, and in March 1989 that resulted in the resignation of Gary Punch, who was Minister for Telecommunications and Aviation Support. Mr Punch could not accept the cabinet decision and his statement in the House—and I rely on the Parliamentary Library here—accused the environmental impact study consultants of a predetermined result on the close-spaced parallel runway.

I know that my friend and colleague at the table the current member for Barton will remember these issues with great clarity. I have enjoyed a similar relationship with both the current member and with Gary Punch—it was a very friendly relationship. There were political differences, of course, but there was goodwill with the differences.

On 13 November 1991, the cabinet gave the go-ahead to the construction of the third runway and, at the same time, increased funding for the purchase of land at Badgerys Creek. That brings us basically to the time of the election of the current government in 1996. Before passing on to the period since that, I seek leave of the House to table a summary of these chronological events produced by the Parliamentary Library.

Leave granted.

Mr CADMAN —I am very happy with that decision and the cooperation of the House. In 1996, John Sharp, as Minister for Transport and Regional Development, announced that the government of the day would fulfil its obligations and that Sydney and Sydney west would be withdrawn from the airport leasing process until there was a solution to aircraft noise issues there. The east-west runway would be opened and a full environmental impact study would be undertaken on Sydney west airport—Badgerys Creek. The coalition felt that it had been some time since an EIS had been done on Western Sydney and that it was needed. It was a commitment prior to the election. The decision to build Sydney's third runway produced some unexpected opposition after 1996. We saw members of the Labor Party who had previously endorsed a government position to build the east-west runway suddenly deciding that they would take the opportunity to change their minds and oppose it. A similar thing happened in Western Sydney, with the member for Chifley and others withdrawing support for a second airport at Badgerys Creek—a job creator, a benefit to the people of Western Sydney, a substitute for the cuts that had taken place to establishments like HMAS Nirimba and other government establishments which were really important to employment creation in Western Sydney. Those members of the Australian Labor Party suddenly decided that with the election of a new government they would oppose the building of an airport at Badgerys Creek.

That change in attitude created chaos in local government through the WESROC organisation and amongst community groups. It has been my view that the people in Western Sydney have consistently felt—for all the time that I have known them, which is some time as a member of parliament but before that as well; I guess the period ranges over 30 years—that they do not want an airport dumped on their doorstep by any government. It did not matter whether it was in the days of Les Irwin and John Armitage or whether it was when Paul Keating was at Bankstown and we did not hold the seats of Western Sydney—it has been a consistent view. But somehow or other during the 1980s and early 1990s, the Australian Labor Party were able to convince their members and the local government authorities they controlled in Western Sydney that an airport in Western Sydney would be good for the people of Western Sydney. They reverted to their true views with the election of a coalition government.

The coalition has had to confront some difficult issues with regard to the airport. First of all, they were historically committed to a runway, which the Australian Labor Party ultimately built at some political cost. They were also committed then to study again the need to build a second airport at Badgerys Creek, while still being committed to solving the problems of the airport needs of Sydney, a commitment originally made by Malcolm Fraser and Wal Fife. This continued as a theme right through opposition and into government in 1996. So what do we have? First we have a minister for aviation, the Hon. John Sharp, introducing a bill called the Airports Transitional Bill 1996 which opened the east-west runway, giving Sydney Kingsford Smith the use of three runways, with a full EIS undertaken on Sydney west airport. The result of that decision was to produce a report which was released finally by John Anderson as Minister for Transport and Regional Development on 30 June 1999. That is the full report and the environmental impact statement for the proposed second Sydney airport at Badgerys Creek. First of all, a site was identified from various competing sites and Badgerys Creek was settled upon as being the most suitable option for a second Sydney airport. There were a number of configurations for runways and some slight variations on site in Badgerys Creek. The EIS was finally produced in June 1999. The government was then confronted with a decision as to what they would do about the airport needs of Sydney. The minister at that time, John Anderson, said

The environmental impact statement is a very detailed analysis of the environmental impacts of a major airport at Badgerys Creek. It certainly is the most comprehensive environmental assessment of any transport infrastructure proposal in Australian history. The government has fulfilled its promise to conduct a rigorous and transparent EIS into the Badgerys Creek proposal.

This EIS did not satisfy the people of Western Sydney or the councils. I pay tribute to and draw attention to people such as Allan Ezzy from Holroyd City Council, who was mayor at that time and has followed this issue strongly. Mrs Kay Vella is another name I remember. They consistently opposed the construction of an airport in Western Sydney, despite the hypocrisy of the Australian Labor Party. It can be called nothing else because members representing Western Sydney led their constituents to believe that they were opposed to construction of an airport. Suddenly, with the election of an Australian Labor Party government, they were in favour of an airport in Western Sydney. With the election of a coalition government, again they were against an airport. So it is no wonder that the people of Western Sydney were confused and rejected this opportunism.

The decision announced recently by the current government was made after assessment of all of the environmental impact statements, the future needs of Sydney and the difficulty of constructing an airport so far from the major airport in Sydney, Sydney (Kingsford Smith) Airport. The prospect of transporting people through Sydney traffic from one major airport to another, trying to encourage people to use Badgerys Creek, whether they be people from the regions or international travellers, the complexity of building infrastructure for road and rail transport, the provision of water services and the impact of the Western Sydney orbital have all been considered by the government. I point out to the House the consistent application of coalition governments to this difficult problem and their ability, point by point, to produce solutions. Going back as far as I can remember in political terms to the early 1970s and right through the 1980s, coalition governments have displayed a consistent application of purpose and the need for a result for Sydney which took the views of the people of Western Sydney into careful consideration.

It is not the purpose of this government to construct an airport at Badgerys Creek. That decision has been made. I know that while some residents of Blacktown, Penrith, Windsor, Richmond, the Blue Mountains, Campbelltown and further south may have favoured it, generally the view was that the government should not construct an airport at Badgerys Creek, for a number of reasons. Some reasons were environmental, with additional smog and deterioration of air quality—CSIRO reports from years ago were verified by the environmental impact statement. It would not be aircraft causing a smog problem but the increase in motor vehicle traffic which would result around an airport, in an area where there are air inversion currents which would produce the sort of continuous, year-round smog typical of Los Angeles. Another reason was the disruption to their lifestyle and the noise that an airport would create. Residents realised that most of the jobs would not be created for locals, that people would have to be brought into the area and that there would be only menial jobs for local people. They were wise enough and shrewd enough to know that, on balance, no real advantages would come from an airport at Badgerys Creek.

There are a number of arguments against the construction of Badgerys Creek, some environmental, some economic and some sheer commonsense transport infrastructure management decisions. The decision of this government is to maximise the use of Sydney (Kingsford Smith) Airport. The Sydney Olympic Games indicated what our personal best at Sydney (Kingsford Smith) Airport could be. Despite massive increases in air movements, Australia handled twice the number of passengers through Sydney (Kingsford Smith) Airport that we have attempted to handle ever before, without chaos and without difficulty. Before the Olympic Games, Sydney (Kingsford Smith) Airport had not been tested to its maximum and there is reserve capacity which can be called on. The capacity for people of Sydney to be serviced by Sydney (Kingsford Smith) Airport continues without breaching the curfew or creating difficulties for people living in the immediate vicinity.

Down the track, perhaps there will need to be some changes. As those changes occur, the government's decision is to upgrade Bankstown airport, providing better passenger facilities and links between Bankstown airport and the CBD, upgrading Bankstown airport's links into the main road, rail and air transport grids. I am very pleased with this decision. I think it was the only commonsense decision that could be arrived at which will meet the future needs of Sydney for a predictably long time. The figures I have seen on the growth in air movements and passenger numbers through Sydney indicate that the government's decision should see a satisfactory movement of passengers, retaining Sydney as the number one gateway for Australia well into the 2020s. I congratulate the government. This has been a hard passage and was a difficult decision, but it is a good one. (Time expired)

 

Mr MURPHY  (Lowe) (11.06 a.m.) —With great respect to the member for Mitchell, for whom I have some regard, on this particular topic we have just listened to a monumental triumph for double standards and hypocrisy. You were a member of the opposition before 1996, Mr Cadman—

Mr Cadman —You weren't even here.

Mr MURPHY —No, but you were a member of the opposition and you were consistently berating the Australian Labor Party in government about when the government was going to build Badgerys Creek and give people some relief from aircraft noise. The hypocrisy of the decision that was made just before Christmas, against a litany of broken promises, to visit more environmental health and safety risks on the people of Sydney in the interests of flogging off that airport and never building a second airport is absolutely breathtaking. That just cannot be allowed to pass—it is incredible. In fact, you participated in the debate on Wednesday, 29 May 1996 and you said:

Now we are going to do a study of Holsworthy. We will do a study of Badgerys Creek and Sydney will get its best airport. When the minister has finished having the best and most efficient use made of Sydney's Kingsford Smith airport, we will find there is adequate capacity for this process to go through and for a second airport to be constructed in good time.

You stand or fall by your own words.

The Aviation Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 2) 2000 concerns the significant policy issue of aircraft safety. In addressing aircraft safety, the government seeks to draft this bill to ratify domestic law consistent with Australia's obligations under the Convention on International Civil Aviation, done at Chicago on 7 December 1994. As Bills Digest No. 164 states:

The Chicago Convention makes a country responsible for the safety regulation of aircraft registered in that country, wherever in the world the aircraft is situated.

The bill makes substantive changes to the mental element of offences contained in the existing act. The purpose of this bill is then explained in the explanatory memorandum, together with a supplementary explanatory memorandum and a correction to the supplementary explanatory memorandum. In a nutshell, this bill and its explanatory memoranda are designed to assist in the statutory interpretation of the act. However, aircraft safety involves much more than this bill alone. For example, the Air Services Act 1995 states, in subsection 9 (1):

In exercising its powers and performing its functions, Airservices Australia must regard the safety of air navigation as the most important consideration.

There is no doubt, then, that the current government is determined to amend legislation to achieve two key objectives. The first is to implement domestic legislation with respect to civil aviation safety and the second is to fulfil Australia's obligations as a signatory to an international instrument's obligations.

How does this government rate in the overall strategic planning of aircraft safety in Australia? I note that the Chicago convention deals with Australian registered aircraft in Australia and abroad. A material factor in aircraft safety in Australia alone is the physical environment in which aircraft fly. The issue of aircraft safety is similar to the issue of road safety in many ways. Yes, there is the central issue of the culpability of the driver of a motor vehicle. By analogy, this bill deals with the criminality of the driver of the car, as it were. However, as insurance companies will tell you, as will the civil court administrations throughout the states and territories, liability is not restricted solely to the driver's culpability. Other factors come into play, such as the physical condition of the roads, that is, the medium in which the cars travel. Not only must good roads be physically sound and built to prescribed standards but travel along them must also be regulated in the strictest sense to ensure maximum safety. That is why this government and state and territory governments spend billions upon billions of dollars each year to do their part in minimising harm to persons and property by making our roads safer for those motor vehicle drivers.

The relevance of this analogy is immediately apparent in the bill before the House this morning. We have a bill that, in its utter hypocrisy and denial, flies in the face of the strategic decision making by this government with respect to aircraft safety in Australia. No bill, no act, can be read in isolation. There is a legal maxim that states, `The law always speaks.' This rule means that all law is to be read in cognate; that is, all law is read together. There is no priority of law unless specific provision is made there, and even then there are interpretational difficulties. Bills such as this seek to overcome statutory interpretational difficulties, yet the broader related laws and this government's publicly declared decisions not only send mixed messages and conflicting laws but also are dangerous decisions in terms of aircraft safety. I am dumbfounded by the Howard government in making policies and then publicly declaring decisions that can only be described as a contemptuous disregard for this bill.

This bill, combined with the current government policies on enforcement of aircraft safety management, affects the management of Australia's busiest airports, namely, Sydney (Kingsford Smith) and Bankstown airports. These two airports are by far the busiest airports in Australia. Bankstown manages 420,000 aircraft movements per year. By comparison, Sydney airport is world renowned as the premier destination airport for international travellers, and for this reason is Australia's largest international port of entry. This bill cannot be of greater relevance to the ultimate impact of aircraft safety than to these two airports.

What are these government policies to which I refer? I first turn to the media statement of the Minister for Finance and Administration, Mr John Fahey, No. 03/01, titled `Appointment of advisers to conduct the Sydney airports scoping study'. Mr Fahey says:

The Minister for Finance and Administration ... today announced the appointment of the investment bank Salomon Smith Barney and the law firm Freehills to conduct the scoping study into the sale of the Sydney Basin airports at Kingsford Smith, Bankstown, Camden and Hoxton Park.

This scoping study is in preparation for privatisation and sale of all four airports. Further, the plan goes that Bankstown Airport is to be an overflow airport for Sydney airport. This announcement makes a mockery of today's bill. Bankstown and Sydney airports are too close to each other. I see that the member for Blaxland has just come into the chamber, and I am sure that he will have something to say shortly about Bankstown. The operation of jet aircraft from Bankstown means that the east-west runway of Sydney airport must close permanently if aircraft safety is to be preserved and not place an unreasonable burden on pilots and the aviation industry. It is an unreasonable expectation that the Civil Aviation Authority can fulfil its international obligations towards aircraft safety whilst this government is pursuing these policies of madness about Sydney, Bankstown and the other two Sydney Basin airports. By definition, those airports, once privatised, will seek to operate at maximum profit.

The logical conclusion is that aircraft safety will be fundamentally compromised. Strategically, Bankstown is a worse decision than even Holsworthy was, for entirely the same reasons as Holsworthy—that is, Holsworthy was too close to Bankstown and, for the purposes of Bankstown as a jet aircraft airport, it is in turn too close to Sydney airport. So how is the government today fulfilling its international obligation towards aircraft safety? It is attempting to do so by enacting legislation whilst in environmental terms making aircraft safety in the Sydney basin a catastrophe waiting to happen. The decision to make Bankstown airport an overflow airport while simultaneously increasing the capacity of Sydney airport is the functional equivalent of the New South Wales Roads and Traffic Authority deliberately punching large potholes in the roads in order to induce an incident.

One needs only to refer to the second reading speech on the Airports Bill 1996 made on 29 May 1996 by the then Minister for Transport and Regional Services, the Hon. John Sharp, in order to see how the priority of this government has shifted from one of aircraft safety to sheer profiteering. I hope that the member for Mitchell is listening. I quote from the minister's speech at page 1658:

No sales should occur until all Environmental Impact Statements processes are completed and the future of Sydney West Airport is resolved. We are determined not to sell Sydney Mascot and Sydney West Airport until such time as we have satisfactorily completed the environmental impact studies and decisions are made in relation to that. We will not be putting on the market Sydney Mascot and Sydney West Airports until such time as we fulfil our election commitment, made by the former shadow minister for aviation, Senator Parer—and indeed reiterated by the now Prime Minister (Mr Howard), then opposition leader—that we will not do so—

sell the airports—

until such time as we have been able to satisfactorily resolve Sydney's aircraft noise problems.

Ha, ha! The minister goes on to say:

So we would say that the best way to deal with this issue is to exclude Sydney's airport from the sale process at this time, deal with the second airport problem, deal with the aircraft noise problem—which is also a factor that impacts on the potential value of Sydney's airports—and, once you have dealt with those satisfactorily, then put them on the market and you will achieve the highest possible value for those airports when you put them up for sale. So we believe that that is the appropriate approach to achieve the goal of obtaining the highest value for Sydney's airports.

Ha, ha! There you have a have it: a total, complete, 180-degree backflip by the Howard government in the space of just over three years.

What is this to do with the bill before us today? I will tell you. The answer is everything. Flying in the face of the Howard government's declared statements of 1996, as I have just read out, the decisions of the government in the year 2000 on the Sydney basin airports are as follows. Badgerys Creek has been shelved. The Rust PPK consultants' report and preliminary EIS for that airport are therefore obsolete, if we believe this government. There is no EIS on the impacts of Bankstown Airport as an overflow airport pursuant to the provisions of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999. A future EIS must comply with the EPBC Act, which includes substantive provisions dealing with, inter alia, location and other relevant factors as prescribed in the act's regulations. There is no EIS on the impact of Bankstown airport in its newfound role, including, for that matter, the interaction between Bankstown, Sydney, Camden and Hoxton Park airports, including aircraft safety impacts.

I note that the second reading debate on the Airports Bill 1996 spanned two full days in this parliament, on 28 and 29 May 1996. There are over 50 pages of Hansard on the 29 May 1996 debate alone. I note that the minister berated the Australian Labor Party for its lack of direction in airport management when he said:

What had happened by June 1995? Absolutely and utterly nothing. Not a sod had been turned, not a runway had been built and not a building had been constructed on the site that was supposed to be an operating airport by June 1995.

Ha, ha, ha! Are these not the government's famous last words? Is it our turn to say to Mr Anderson that `not a runway has been built and not a building has been constructed on the site that was supposed to be an operating airport'? Are not all the government statements and promises just empty promises and vain rhetoric?

I put to the government four propositions: first, I put to the government that aircraft safety is not the ultimate priority of this government. Second, I put to the government that, as I said in my speech on Tuesday evening last, the Prime Minister and the minister for transport waited until five days after the start of the Christmas recess last year—that is, until 13 December 2000—to proudly announce what everyone affected by aircraft noise and safety in Sydney dreaded, the expansion of Sydney airport and the role of Bankstown as the overflow airport. Welcome to the chamber, Mr Speaker. I know your interest in this topic because you have listened to me ad nauseam over the last 2¼ years. Third, I put to the government that they cannot draft this bill and reasonably expect to create an environment of aircraft safety by the concomitant decisions they have made on the expansion and location of Sydney's airports. Fourth, I put to the government that they have decided to sell Sydney (Kingsford Smith) Airport b